That Time Magazine Cover. . . About Breastfeeding

May 12th, 2012

We may wish to think again about being shocked by the breastfeeding of children old enough to walk, as depicted on the controversial Time Magazine cover dated 5/21/12.

Until the invention of rubber (1845) and then plastic nipples (1900s) for baby bottles, the breastfeeding of toddlers and young children even to ages four and beyond was the human norm. It is highly probable that Jesus of Nazareth was nursed for more than two years.

But the separation of the female breast from its nutrition function by decades of unrelenting cultural pornography has over-sexualized the human breast to the point where we cannot see the the breast for what it is–a fountain of nourishment.

We forget that the human female breast is formed to feed babies and young children.

So it is because we have been conditioned to view the human female breast as primarily sexual and not primarily nutritional that we are shocked–shocked by something seen in public for centuries, but now hidden from modern view by a taboo that has consigned the female breast to the shadowy realm of pornography.

Human female breasts should instead be freed to be known within the realm of blessing:

Before she comes to labor, she gives birth; Before the pains come upon her, she safely delivers a male child.

Who ever heard of such a thing, or saw the like? Can a country be brought forth in one day, or a nation be born in a single moment? Yet Zion is scarcely in labor when she gives birth to her children.

Shall I bring a mother to the point of birth, and yet not let her child be born? says the LORD; Or shall I who allow her to conceive, yet close her womb? says your God.

Rejoice with Jerusalem and be glad because of her, all you who love her; Exult, exult with her, all you who were mourning over her!

Oh, that you may suck fully of the milk of her comfort, That you may nurse with delight at her abundant breasts!

For thus says the LORD: Lo, I will spread prosperity over her like a river, and the wealth of the nations like an overflowing torrent. As nurslings, you shall be carried in her arms, and fondled in her lap;

As a mother comforts her son, so will I comfort you; in Jerusalem you shall find your comfort.

(Isaiah 66:7-13)

With that thought, Happy Mother’s Day!

© Copyright 2012, Albert J. Schorsch, III
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Why Research Universities Merit the “Freedom of the City”

May 6th, 2012

What I shared with university colleagues on 5/6/12–

Colleague,

I’ve been thinking of implications of the various [Illinois] pension bills in the light of the larger question of the need for economic development in Chicago and in Illinois.

Yale economist Robert Shiller, the co-originator of the Case-Shiller housing index, recently made a dire prediction, that the housing market may not recover for a generation, meaning “in our lifetimes.”

The implications of this prediction, if correct, are profound. The political game of chasing around and announcing “jobs, jobs, jobs” may shortly be practically useless. Longer-term sources of economic growth besides tax incentive gimmicks to attract and retain businesses will have to be found.

Cities have historically grown and thrived because, as centers of commerce, they were in some sense free economic zones that became magnets of opportunity for both migrants and for entrepreneurs. But our generation of legislators, whether federal, state, and local, have somehow embraced bureaucracy and regulation as a solution, and are locking out opportunity.

By reducing constraints upon UIC’s [University of Illinois at Chicago] growth as an urban, state research university, Chicago and Illinois could become a greater research and educational magnet, drawing more scientists, more businesses, and more students, and rival Boston or LA within two or three generations, if we collectively make the right decisions to unshackle our research universities and institutes and let them grow and thrive. The “freedom of the city” must be extended to the University of Illinois (both UIC and UIUC [University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign]) and to partner institutions as research leaders.

In order for such a strategy to succeed, civic leaders who are alumni of NU and U Chicago will have to drop their elite snobbery and allow UIC to thrive as well, since UIC in the long term can “bring the big numbers” of both graduates and researchers to help Chicago and Illinois thrive. But even these three Chicago research universities are not enough to build a “rival Boston” strategy for this region.

That is why legislative action that drives away research talent, and the dollars that senior professors and principal investigators bring with them, is exactly the wrong economic development strategy for Illinois.

As long as state research universities are lumped into legislation covering all matter of non-research institutions, and subject to numerous unintended consequences and unpredictability, the state research university will not thrive to the extent that it could in Illinois. We already see talented colleagues voting on the expected results of such election-year legislation with their feet before the final votes are cast.

Infrastructure alone will not bring Illinois or Chicago back. We have to have a “somewhere” to where the roads and bridges lead. Because real estate will not be an answer for perhaps a generation, state and other research universities do help answer the question of “somewhere.” So let’s not sandbag research universities with bureaucratic disincentives for success, OK?

There are so many encouraging changes taking place at UIC, especially UIC College Prep–there should be dozens more such Chicago and Illinois high schools!–that I’m sad to see some of our colleagues go at this critical moment for UIC.

But we do have a great opportunity, even in these awful times for Illinois, to actually make the right legislative decisions to shape a better future.

Regulatory freedom for the Research Universities of Illinois is part of the answer. The sooner the University of Illinois, including UIUC and UIC, can be set apart with its own legislation freeing the development of research and the attraction and retention of talent from regulatory constraints, the better.

But who will take the lead in spreading this message? Who’s got the guts to do this in an election year?

Much easier to add more bureaucracy and to call it “reform.” Yet where is the economic development–which is what we really need–in that?

So far, the legislature has taken the safe DMV approach–more rules and more roads. But rules and roads leading to what?

Cordially,

Albert Schorsch, III

© Copyright 2012, Albert J. Schorsch, III
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Deadly Attacks on Christians in Nigeria

May 4th, 2012

The Jubilee Campaign reports more deadly attacks on Christians in Nigeria. Dozens of Christians at a time while at worship continue to be killed by Boko Haram fanatics.

It is hard to believe that the U.S. State Department has not classified Boko Haram as a terrorist organization. Perhaps they are too busy sending dissidents back to the Chinese government.

© Copyright 2012, Albert J. Schorsch, III
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How to Help the People of South Sudan and North Sudan

May 2nd, 2012

If you are looking for a way to help the people of South Sudan and North Sudan, visit the website of Bishop Max Macram Gassis of the El Obeid Diocese, Sudan.

© Copyright 2012, Albert J. Schorsch, III
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Dan Savage Does It Again

May 2nd, 2012

“America’s most famous sex advice columnist” Dan Savage spoke at the 4/13/12 convention of the National Scholastic Press Association (NSPA) and the Journalism Education Association (JEA), attacked the Bible, and called the high school students and their counselors who walked out a vile name. For this the NSPA and JEA have apologized, and Dan Savage has not quite apologized.

See my previous posts for my advanced warning on Dan Savage’s violent language.

Wait until parents around the country see Dan Savage’s MTV show.

I wish to thank the Catholic League for Religious and Civil Rights for its alert on this topic.

Here’s an account from Catholic News Service from one teacher who walked out of Dan Savage’s 4/13/12 talk at the request of his students.

© Copyright 2012, Albert J. Schorsch, III
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Raymond Aron on Liberation and Enslavement

April 28th, 2012

Raymond Aron (1905-1983), the French political thinker, wrote:

“Every advance in liberation carries within itself the seed of a new form of enslavement.”

(Raymond Aron, The Opium of the Intellectuals, p. 21)

It is hard to overstate the long shadow cast by the Marxist French thinkers of Paris, 1968 (among whom number Jean-Paul Sartre, Henri Lefebvre, Michel Foucault, and Jacques Lacan [the latter more adopted by Marxists than a Marxist himself]) over what passes for “critical thinking” in American arts and letters.

A substantial segment of American intelligentsia have in the years since read the French radicals of 1968, but without substantially reading their critics. American “critical theory” is therefore oddly uncritical of itself, and infused within a cycle of self-reinforcing, naive solipsism.

Many American college graduates therefore find American “critical theory” perfectly useless outside of the confines of the classroom.

Raymond Aron and Jacques Maritain were among several of the critics of the tradition of Paris, 1968. Aron’s principal criticism was twofold, that the French Marxists actually failed to “think politically,” and that their political statements were based upon “bad faith” or a double standard.

By failing to “think politically” Aron meant of the French Marxists–

“Two things: First, they prefer ideology, that is, a rather literary image of a desirable society, rather than to study the functioning of a given economy, of a liberal economy, of a parliamentary system, and so forth. . . And then there is a second element, perhaps more basic: they refused to answer the question someone once asked me: ‘If you were in the minister’s position, what would you do?’”

(Raymond Aron, 1997, Thinking Politically: A Liberal in the Age of Ideology, New Brunswick, NJ, Transaction Publishers, pp. 154-55.)

By “bad faith,” Aron meant–

“Western societies were excoriated for their every injustice (and what society, Aron would ask, has not been unjust?) while the socialist world was judged on the basis of its ostensibly good intentions.”

Brian C. Anderson, 1997, Raymond Aron: The Recovery of the Political, NY, Rowmand & Littlefield, pp. 4-5, citing Aron’s Opium of the Intellectuals.

A number of the students of the Marxists of Paris, 1968 have since taken some of the criticisms to heart, and have tried to embed their critiques in spatial and empirical narratives. A few, like David Harvey and Manuel Castells, have essentially been re-writing Marx’s Das Kapital in spatial, systematic–and sometimes impenetrable–terms throughout their life-long research programs.

But Aron still stands as a powerful critic of the traditions that arose in those heady days in Paris.

I should mention that Aron was a contemporary of Simone Weil, and attended the École Normale Supérieure with her in Paris. Aron’s book title, The Opium of the Intellectuals, is obviously a echo of Weil’s earlier dictum from her book Oppression and Liberty, “Revolution is the opium of the people.”

When one is sick and tired of the “literary politics” of the professors, one can turn to Aron.

Aron’s writing approaches the commonsense politics one derives from Aristotle, St. Thomas Aquinas, Frank J. Sheed’s Communism and Man (wherein Sheed makes a similar point to Aron that political systems have inherent self-destructive capabilities), and the best of the political and governmental (as opposed to academic) American pragmatic tradition as practiced by Alexander Hamilton and by Abraham Lincoln.

Brian C. Anderson summarized Aron’s approach as–

“A conservative defense of liberalism rooted in historical reality, an awareness of tragedy, and a keen sensitivity to both the contingencies of politics and the self-undermining tendencies of the liberal democratic regime.”

(Brian C. Anderson, 1997, Raymond Aron: The Recovery of the Political, NY, Rowmand & Littlefield, p. 167)

Students of social justice should by all means read Sartre, Lefebvre, Foucault, Lacan, Harvey, and Castells. But to not also read Aron, Maritain, Yves Simon, Weil, Hamilton, and Lincoln for a different perspective may mean condemning oneself to years of pursuing intellectual and political dead ends.

In addition, to pursue Marxist analysis and politics without reading every page of Leszek Kolakowski’s Main Currents of Marxism is be both intellectually lazy and politically irresponsible.

Unlike the overly-lionized Marxists of Paris, 1968, Aron’s ideas can actually be applied. One of his principal ideas relates to the tragic imperfection of our political efforts, and the constant need for correction.

Constant awareness of the possibility that I may be wrong about my political choices and about my own assumptions leads to a very different kind of politics, a politics that is open to correction.

The first step toward liberation therefore sometimes can be taken by casting off our own slavery to our own pet ideas, and by constantly seeking new ways to correct them.

As Abraham Lincoln said, “We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country.”

© Copyright 2012, Albert J. Schorsch, III
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Knowing God and Neighbor through Mercy

April 22nd, 2012

One of the themes of my writings over the years is that much of what passes for writing and work for justice evolves more into “identity maintenance”–”it’s really about us”–than it reflects actual mercy that benefits one’s neighbor–”it’s really about our neighbor.”

This approach of “mercy over identity” poses a number of ethical and intellectual challenges when one really tries to follow it. The personalist focus on the neighbor who is to receive an act of mercy, and upon all persons who receive the mercy of God, must avoid the trap of consequentialism and utilitarianism, which tends to measure each act in terms of the economic or “hedonic” good it may bring another in some measurable material or emotional sense.

As Albert Einstein is reputed to have said, “Not everything that can be counted counts, and not everything that counts can be counted.”

I tried a new approach to reflecting on the meaning of mercy on 2/15/12, which Catholics call Divine Mercy Sunday. I began to re-read Blessed John Paul II’s encyclical Dives in Miserecordia, or Rich in Mercy, and to stop and read the Scriptural text behind each footnote.

One the bus or the “L” or during a quiet moment at home over the past week, this experience has led me to something of a profound, self-directed retreat on the meaning of the existence of God and what God’s mercy asks of me. During this time, I also came in a sense to inhabit or connect with the mind and spirit of John Paul II by praying the prayers that he must have prayed while writing this great encyclical.

While many recent controversies about God focus on science and intellectual proofs or disproofs of God’s existence, the very existence of mercy despite all the cruelty and injustice of this world points to God’s love and to God’s existence. In fact, mercy is one of the primary ways that God is revealed to us.

How do we know God? Dives in Miserecordia begins with a meditation on John 14:8-18

Philip said to him, “Master, show us the Father, and that will be enough for us.” Jesus said to him, “Have I been with you for so long a time and you still do not know me, Philip? Whoever has seen me has seen the Father. How can you say, ‘Show us the Father’? Do you not believe that I am in the Father and the Father is in me? The words that I speak to you I do not speak on my own. The Father who dwells in me is doing his works. Believe me that I am in the Father and the Father is in me, or else, believe because of the works hemselves. Amen, amen, I say to you, whoever believes in me will do the works that I do, and will do greater ones than these, because I am going to the Father. And whatever you ask in my name, I will do, so that the Father may be glorified in the Son. If you ask anything of me in my name, I will do it. “If you love me, you will keep my commandments. And I will ask the Father, and he will give you another Advocate to be with you always, the Spirit of truth, which the world cannot accept, because it neither sees nor knows it. But you know it, because it remains with you, and will be in you. I will not leave you orphans; I will come to you. (John 14:8-18)

In the end, while we can come to the fact of God’s existence through reason, we can come to the very knowledge of God through Jesus. And we can come to know Jesus through His mercy–the mercy he calls us to live out.

I highly recommend that you spend a lot of time with Dives in Miserecordia, and the texts of its citations. This experience is taking me to something wonderful that I cannot describe. Each act of mercy I attempt has taken on new meaning, and has called and challenged me to act more mercifully in every possible way that I can.

© Copyright 2012, Albert J. Schorsch, III
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Aphorism LII

April 19th, 2012

Political Correctness versus Social Justice:

Political Correctness gives the past the priority over the present: Arguments about reparations for 1800s-era slavery.

Social Justice gives the present the priority over the past: Change agency to help end slavery today and bring about peace in South Sudan.

Political Correctness is about Identity Maintenance.

Social Justice is about Mercy.

© Copyright 2012, Albert J. Schorsch, III
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Aphorism LI

April 19th, 2012

Neoliberalism defined:

The reason that the word “neoliberalism” is so hard to define is that it represents much of what progressives don’t like at any given moment, and this dislike is a moving target.

© Copyright 2012, Albert J. Schorsch, III
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Seventy-Five Years Since Cardinal Mundelein’s “Paperhanger” Speech

April 19th, 2012

May 18, 2012 marks the 75th anniversary of one of the most memorable addresses by a clergyman in American history, the so-called “Paperhanger” speech of Cardinal George Mundelein (1872-1939), Archbishop of Chicago, during which Mundelein on May 18, 1937 in Quigley Seminary chapel called Hitler “an Austrian paperhanger, and a poor one at that.” Many American GIs and citizens referred to Hitler as a “paperhanger” during World War II as a result.

Several years ago, I composed an entry on the Archbishop Quigley Preparatory Seminary Wikipedia page describing the significance of this speech, and the virulent reaction that followed from the Nazis in Germany, in which hundreds of German Catholic newspapers were closed.

Mundelein spoke out against the persecution of Catholics in Germany, and against the show trials of Catholic religious on trumped-up sexual immorality charges (sound familiar?), that Mundelein stated were designed to seize control of German Catholic schools, which at the time educated two million children. Mundelein said:

The fight is to take the children away from us. If we show no interest in this matter now, if we shrug our shoulders and mutter, ‘Maybe there is some truth in it, or maybe it is not our fight;’ if we don’t back up our Holy Father (Pope Pius XI) when we have a chance, well when our turn comes we, too, will be fighting alone. . . . Perhaps you will ask how it is that a nation of sixty million people, intelligent people, will submit in fear to an alien, an Austrian paperhanger, and a poor one at that I am told, and a few associates like Goebbels and Göring who dictate every move of the people’s lives.. (“Mundelein rips into Hitler for Church attacks,” Chicago Tribune, 5/19/1937, pg. 7)

Please refer to the Quigley Seminary Wikipedia Page for more details on the aftermath in Germany and America to Mundelein’s address.

While Mundelein’s speech put German Catholics at risk in Germany, it helped German Americans to break away from Hitler and to develop a distinct identity as Americans putting the public cloud for German national acts during World War I behind them.

Mundelein was unsparing in his remarks, and noted that the Nazis held power by “making every second person a spy,” “destroying civil liberties,” and by “forcing candidates for the religious life into work and military camps.”

According to the Chicago Tribune, Mundelein said:

“During and after the World War [I] the German government complained bitterly of the propaganda aimed at it by the Allies concerning atrocities perpetuated by German troops . . . Now the present German government is making use of this same kind of propaganda against the Catholic Church and is giving out through its crooked minister of propaganda [Joseph Goebbels] stories of wholesale immorality in religious institutions in comparison to which the wartime propaganda is almost like bedtime stories for children.”

Mundelein’s 5/18/37 speech followed by a few weeks the 3/14/37 encyclical of Pius XI, Mit Brennender Sorge, which attacked the racist Nazi ideology, and which was being rabidly suppressed at the time of Mundelein’s address. According to the Chicago Tribune on 5/22/37, the Nazi secret police were then on high alert in response to the distribution of 20 million copies of the encyclical, leading to seizure of eighteen German Catholic printing plants and to daily Nazi accusations of sexual scandal against the Church. Catholic priests were being attacked in the streets by even children, according to the Tribune, if they appeared in some quarters in clerical garb.

Mundelein’s “Paperhanger” speech was part of a concerted effort by the Catholic Church to defend religious freedom and human rights at the height of an anti-Catholic propaganda war by the Nazis, more than a year in advance of the Kristallnacht attack on German Jews.

I wonder if today’s Commonweal Magazine and America Magazine editors were around in 1937 whether they wouldn’t criticize Mundelein for meddling in politics or for being too “partisan.”

© Copyright 2012, Albert J. Schorsch, III
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